Showing posts with label school suspensions. Show all posts
Showing posts with label school suspensions. Show all posts

Saturday, July 8, 2023

Is the Restorative Discipline Bandwagon Rolling Back?

Five Reasons Why Its Roll-Out Wasn’t Warranted in the First Place

[CLICK HERE to read this Blog on the Project ACHIEVE Webpage]

Dear Colleagues,

Introduction

   Scrolling through last weekend’s Twitter feed, my attention was drawn to one from the National Association of Elementary School Principals (NAESP). It stated:

“Leaders in district after district, sometimes with prodding from state legislators, are now rolling back more lenient restorative discipline policies and relying again on suspensions and other punitive measures.”

   The post was linked to an article in District Administration by Matt Zalaznick, “Backlash Against Restorative Discipline is Growing as Behavior Breaks Down.”

   Zalaznick stated:

“The pre-pandemic shift from zero tolerance to restorative discipline is buckling across K12, even years after the return to in-person learning, as educators continue to grapple with a surge of misbehavior in all grade levels.

The backlash is taking place even as data continues to show that Black students and other groups of children continue to face discipline that’s disproportionately more severe.”

   In a section titled “A Restorative Discipline Dilemma?” he then proceeded to report that Restorative Practices have recently been removed in Prince William County (MD) and in the entire state of Nevada. He also noted that a new law in Kentucky (signed March 23, 2023) “requires school boards to expel for at least 12 months any students who threaten or pose a danger to classmates or staff,” while also suspending students who have been removed from class for discipline three times in a 30-day period.

_ _ _ _ _

   Over the years, I have written many Blogs documenting—with data and evidence, science and analysis—the case against Restorative Justice programs.

   I have also discussed—again from a documented science-to-practice perspective—where restorative practices—that separately exist from packaged Programs—might effectively fit into a school’s discipline system.

   But here again, I do not globally discuss generic and unspecified “restorative practices” as many of my colleagues. Instead, I have talked about specific restorative strategies, and which ones are beneficial, and which ones are “fluff.”

   Critically, none of these practices or strategies are new. Many of them are simply effective classroom management approaches. Nonetheless, they have been “packaged and marketed” as something “new and improved.” When used strategically, they worked in the past, and they will work in the future—with or without the “restorative branding.”

_ _ _ _ _

   And so. . . with this as an Introduction. . . in this Blog, I want to summarize some of my previous discussions, and then discuss the “Five Reasons” why the Restorative Discipline bandwagon needs to be put back into the garage.

   Clearly, per NAESP and Zalaznick, this is already beginning to happen.

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _

Restorative Discipline is Not Supported by Objective, Well-Designed Research

   Historically, and consistent with a movement to use restorative justice as an alternative in the criminal justice system, school-based restorative practices can be traced to Queensland, Australia around 1994.

   While there is no chronological benchmark documenting its formal introduction into U.S. schools, enough schools were exploring Restorative Discipline approaches (we are using this term to combine both packaged Restorative Justice Programs and generic restorative practices) that, in 2013, the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation funded the nonprofit research and development agency, WestEd, to study its use and efficacy.

   So let’s conservatively say that Restorative Discipline approaches have been in U.S. schools for the better part of ten to fifteen years

   From the beginning, Restorative Discipline approaches were marketed to educators to solve two perennial school problems:

·    How to motivate students to make appropriate prosocial choices, while holding them accountable for their inappropriate behavior; and

·    How to eliminate the gap whereby students of color and with disabilities are disproportionately disciplined—especially for mild interpersonal, disruption, or noncompliance “problems”—while their White peers are not.

   But, as discussed in my last Blog. . .

June 24, 2023—CLICK HERE TO LINK

“New Paths to Address Disproportionate Discipline with Black Students: New Directives, Research, Solutions, and Another Example of Racial Hate”

. . . Restorative Discipline—along with so many other “promising” approaches—has not significantly changed these two problems.

   Indeed:

·       Few school-based Restorative (Justice/Practice) programs have ever been objectively studied using sound research methods; and 

·       The most methodologically-sound research studies report that their Restorative (Justice/Practice) programs have actually produced negative results relative to student behavior and academic achievement, and significant backlash relative to teacher/staff morale, administrative support, and sustained classroom management success.

   A critical point here is that—while there are articles with testimonials regarding the “success” of Restorative Discipline—there are few methodologically-sound research studies that, when analyzed objectively, empirically demonstrate its effectiveness.

   Indeed, the most comprehensive and sound research-to-practice study of a Restorative Practice Program (the International Institute for Restorative Practices’ “SaferSanerSchools” program) is still the one implemented during the 2015-2016 and 2016-2017 school years in the Pittsburgh (PA) School District.

   Involving 22 randomly-selected schools matched to 22 non-participating Comparison schools, the surface-level results (that the Program Developers touted) were that, in the Restorative Practices schools: (a) alternative school placements decreased; (b) students were less likely to be suspended multiple times; (c) disparities in suspension rates between African-American (vs. Caucasian), and low-income (vs. higher-income) students, respectively, decreased; and (d) suspension rates for female students declined.

   But when you read the 132-page independent Rand Corporation report that objectively analyzed this study, the deeper-level results tell a different story:

·       While suspension rates in the Restorative Practices schools declined by 36% during the two-year study, suspension rates in the Comparison schools also declined 18% during the same time period.

·       The overall suspension results were driven by lower rates in the Restorative Practices elementary schools.

·       Fewer suspensions were not found in the Restorative Practices Middle schools (Grades 6 to 8).

·       Fewer suspensions were not found for male students or students with disabilities.

·       There were no reductions in student arrests, or for incidents of violence or weapons violations.

·       In the Restorative Practices Middle schools, academic outcomes actually worsened when compared with the Comparison schools.

·       Survey results from staff in the Restorative Practices schools indicated that they did not think the IIRP program was affecting student behavior. They did, however, report that their relationships with students had improved because of program involvement.

   For more details and analysis, see my previous Blogs:

January 26, 2019—CLICK HERE TO LINK

“New Rand Corporation Study Finds Restorative Practices Produce Mixed and Underwhelming ResultsBut Some Publications are “Spinning” the Outcomes and Twisting these Results”

_ _ _ _ _

July 10, 2021—CLICK HERE TO LINK

Reconsidering or Rejecting SEL/Character Education, Meditation/ Mindfulness/Trauma-Informed, and Restorative Justice Programs: Put on Your Hard Hat and Bring Your Lunch Pail” (Part II)

_ _ _ _ _

   These less-than-glamourous deeper results were compounded a few years later when two 2022 reports questioned the student discipline, suspension, and arrest data from the Pittsburgh School District for the 2017-2018 school year (one year after the SaferSanerSchools study concluded).

   One of these studies found discrepancies between the District’s and the County’s data—suggesting that school districts were under-reporting student referrals to police and arrests.

   The other study found—according to data reported to the U.S. Department of Education—that no Pittsburgh District students were arrested at school during the 2017-2018 school year—an impossible-to-believe statistic.

   These reports were discussed in my February 5, 2022 Blog:

“Why Do They Keep Trying to ‘Validate’ Restorative Practices with Lousy (or Worse) Data? More Proof that Schools Need to Avoid Restorative (Justice) Programs and Practices”

CLICK HERE TO LINK

   This February 2022 Blog reflected on the discipline data errors addressed in these two reports, wondering about the validity of the Restorative Discipline study’s data the two years before.

   Indeed, what if the Restorative Discipline results also were under-reported? That would suggest even worse outcomes than were reported.

_ _ _ _ _

   Finally, a more recent Pittsburgh School District update was just published.

   A June 26, 2023 story a few weeks ago by Julia Felton in the Western Pennsylvania on-line newspaper, TRIBLive (“Activists call on Pittsburgh Public Schools to stop issuing citations against students, cut back on suspensions”) reported the following:

According to data provided by 412 Justice (an advocacy organization), the rate of summary citations (these are real tickets written by campus police for student offenses) was 12 times higher for Black students than white students in the 2021-2022 academic year, a disparity that has tripled since the 2017-2018 school year.

 

The organization cited statistics showing that Black girls are more than 24 times more likely to get a summary citation at school than white girls, and the rate of summary citations is almost 11 times higher for Black boys compared to their white counterparts.

 

The rate of summary citations was nearly double for students with disabilities compared to students without disabilities, according to 412 Justice.

 

According to Pittsburgh Public Schools data, the district (also) saw a 13.3% suspension rate in the 2022-2023 school year, up from 12.1% the prior year. Black students saw a 19.3% suspension rate during the last academic year, compared to a 6.7% suspension rate for white students.

 

Students missed more than 10,900 days of school due to suspensions, with more than 8,000 of those days impacting Black students.

 

Students in kindergarten through second grade missed 230 days due to suspension in the last school year, according to PPS data, while students in grades three through five missed more than 1,000 days.

 

The district reported that 2,624 students were suspended in the 2022-2023 school year, up from 2,457 the prior year.

   Clearly, one year after the conclusion of the study, the Pittsburgh School District did not maintain its Restorative Discipline program. Moreover, as reported by Zalaznick in the Twitter-feed article at the beginning of this Blog, this has resulted in a return to suspending more students, and continued disparities for students of color and with disabilities.  

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _

Some Articles Disingenuously Report Restorative Discipline Successes (or Are They Just Not Doing their Homework?)

   We have also previously discussed how educators cannot trust the Restorative Discipline headlines in some popularly published articles—much less the highlights, or even the analyses.

   We demonstrated this by citing a number of specific examples in our January 26, 2019 Blog (cited/linked above).

   But educators also cannot trust the headlines and technical reports sometimes published by highly-regarded research and development centers that are supposed to be trustworthy.

    In our February 5, 2022 Blog (cited/linked above), we told the story of a July 2021 Research Brief from WestEd, a “non-profit” agency that receives millions of dollars in contracts each year from the U.S. Department of Education. Some of these funds support a number of National Technical Assistance Centers—including the National Center for Systemic (Special Education) Improvement and the Center to Improve Social and Emotional Learning and School Safety—that WestEd, in essence, runs for the Federal government.

   The study, “Can Restorative Practices Bridge Racial Disparities in Schools?” was promoted in numerous national press releases. . . but, as we delineated in our February, 2022 Blog, the survey used in the study was (a) neither about Restorative Practices, (b) nor was WestEd’s culling or interpretation of the data methodologically sound.

   In our independent critique of the study, we quoted the Research Brief’s admission of its own limitations, and then we identified three methodological flaws. 

   Quoting from our previous Blog:

As a first step in critiquing the WestEd research, let’s listen to what the authors of the Brief said in the piece:

 

Limitations. It is important to note that our models are not designed to estimate “causal” effects. In other words, we cannot glean from these models whether exposure to restorative practices causes fewer suspensions or improved GPAs. Instead, we can only say that restorative practices are associated with the aforementioned positive outcomes.

 

That is, student exposure to greater levels of restorative practices tended to coincide with less discipline exposure, smaller racial discipline disparities, and better academic achievement.

 

While we controlled for a range of student, parent, and district factors, there were many factors that we did not control for because they were not available in our data.

 

Thus, based on the data available to us, while it is possible that student exposure to restorative practices does indeed abridge discipline disparities and improve academic achievement, it is also possible that unobserved student-, school-, or community-level characteristics drove both student exposure to restorative practices and student outcomes. Additional research is thus warranted to estimate the causal effect of these practices.

 

Another critical facet of this research is that we were (intentionally) not identifying the impact of restorative programming (i.e., teachers receiving professional development in restorative practices). Instead, we were attempting to evaluate restorative practices (i.e., students being exposed to teachers who actually, for example, help resolve conflicts or inculcate conflict resolution skills).”

_ _ _ _ _

 

Given this “confession” by the authors (with more to come below), there are three primary reasons why this Brief should never have been published and why it cannot be used to validate the utility of the Restorative practices “investigated.”

 

Research Rejection #1: “Restorative Practices” data. This was NOT a study of Restorative practices; it was a study of what the authors subjectively decided were Restorative practices, pulled from a large statewide survey.

 

Research Rejection #2: Student Achievement Data. ALL of the data in this study involved student survey responses. Thus, this was a study evaluating students’ perceptions.

 

No objective data was collected, and none of the students’ perspectives or perceptions were validated using cumulative record, teacher, administrator, or other data.

 

Research Rejection #3: Student Suspension Data. Similar to the achievement data, the authors did not analyze objective student suspension data. . . they analyzed student survey reports of suspensions that were never validated.

_ _ _ _ _

   The “bottom line” here is that unsuspecting (perhaps, overly-trusting) educators have fallen prey to researchers, authors, and journalists who either are incompetent (which I doubt), or are forwarding their own agenda.

   The more serious problem here is that—when unproven and unsound Restorative Discipline approaches are implemented—they may replicate the Pittsburgh School District results and actually do damage to students.

   This additionally translates into wasted administrative, teacher, and support staff time, effort, funding, and personnel (also, personal) commitments.

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _

Five Reasons Why Restorative Discipline’s Faulty Roll-Out Has Persisted

   There are five reasons that explain the beginning and the continuation of Restorative Discipline’s “group contagion bandwagon.”

   They are:

·   Simplicity vs. Complexity

·   Social Psychology vs. Singular Voices

·   Supernatural vs. Scientific Thinking

·   Self-Protection vs. Self-Evaluation

·   Social Media vs. Social Justice

Simplicity vs. Complexity

   While it is important to “keep things simple,” it is also important not to over-simplify when dealing with human (system, staff, and student) behavior.

   From a systems perspective, we have seen how some educators gravitate to over-simplistic “solutions” to student misbehavior and disproportionality because they cannot or do not want to acknowledge the complexity of students’ inappropriate behavior. Critically, their solutions simply have not changed the disproportionality numbers.

   For example, zero tolerance and “no-suspension” policies, respectively, have not worked and have, in fact, been counterproductive.

   While zero tolerance policies and procedures have not changed many students’ inappropriate behavior, they have increased disproportionate suspensions and alternative school placements. And yet, according to Zalaznick above, some states are shelving restorative discipline (which is good), but returning to zero tolerance approaches (which is ill-advised).

   No-suspension policies (where students cannot be suspended, for example, from kindergarten through Grade 3) have lowered school suspension numbers, but not changed students’ inappropriate behavior or the disproportionality gaps.

   Human behavior is complex. And there are many possible reasons (see below) to explain students’ misbehavior. But psychologically, it is easier (e.g., more comfortable or comforting) for some to over-simplify. It takes far more work to analyze and address the complexities of student behavior and act in more strategic, individualistic ways.

   Suggesting Restorative Discipline has become another “easy” policy and practice recommendation. But—as discussed above and in our past Blogs—the desired outcomes have not resulted.

_ _ _ _ _

Social Psychology vs. Singular Voices

   The Restorative Practices bandwagon has been fed both by social psychological group-think and social contagion processes.

   The group-think “movement” has been fed by public testimonials, pressure, and publicity, as well as vendors and naïve (and sometimes well-meaning) practitioners with approaches that have never been validated through methodologically-sound research.

   Given all of this, the line of lemmings has gotten longer and longer—a reflection of the effects of social contagion.

   And both processes make it almost impossible for those “caught in the whirlwind” to disengage and look objectively at the facts. Hence, anyone presenting contrary data or results that suggest that Restorative Practices do not work (or worse) are rejected and summarily dismissed.

   It’s difficult to detach yourself from the whirlwind to potentially side with a singular voice—even though it is the correct voice. It is unsettling, feels risky, and produces fears of ostracism or loneliness—especially when you are not “an expert” in the area.

   Social contagion occurs when individuals “lose” (or give up) their identities because of overt or covert group presence or pressure, and they blindly conform to the group’s ideas, attitudes, or behavioral patterns.

   While Zalznick is suggesting that, right now, there are more “singular voices” questioning Restorative Discipline practices, the question is,

”Will these voices merge and become loud enough to combat still-existing social psychological pressure so that a systemic recalibration can occur?”

_ _ _ _ _

Supernatural vs. Scientific Thinking

   The beginning of the headline song in Disney’s Pinocchio reads,

When you wish upon a star
Makes no difference who you are
Anything your heart desires
Will come to you

   Unfortunately, I have consulted with too many school leaders who try to address their significant disproportionate discipline problems though “magical thinking” tied to Restorative Discipline (and similar) approaches.

   Beyond their inattention or disregard to the body of research that has never objectively validated the approach, they often believe that they can just (a) talk with their staff about why Restorative Practices are important, or (b) host a “spray and pray” in-service workshop, and—magically—all of their disproportionality problems will disappear like Pinocchio’s nose after he decides to tell the truth.

   But beyond the absence of Restorative Discipline validation as a whole, the fact is that many of its individual “practices” are simply effective classroom management strategies branded by the Restorative Discipline vendors.

   Specifically, here are the “David Letterman Top-Ten Restorative Practices across the web (no surprises here):

1.   Affective statements that express feelings and impacts of actions

2.   Setting classroom agreements or norms that establish shared expectations and values

3.   Community-building circles that create safe spaces for dialogue and connection

4.   Small impromptu conferences  that involve the parties affected by an incident

5.   Problem-solving circles that involve a group of stakeholders needing to resolve a conflict

6.   Peer-based conferences or mediation, peer juries, or justice panels

7.   Victim-offender review, resolution, and/or remediation conferences or mediations involving a face-to-face meeting between a victim and an offender

8.   Victim assistance that supports the needs and rights of victims and survivors of crime

9.   Community service, restitution, or reimbursement that allows offenders to make amends for their actions

10.  Family group conferencing that empowers the family and community of the offender to take responsibility and find solutions

   There are no surprises here. We’ve been using these strategies in schools for well over the forty years that I have been a school psychologist. What is surprising is that these are “new” strategies to some educators, the Restorative Discipline “gurus” have the chutzpah to claim these as their own, and some educators (again) have fallen into this branding and marketing ploy.

   Critically, the biggest problem with the assortment of individual restorative practices above is that there is no empirical research identifying exactly which practices will successfully change what social, emotional, or behavioral student problems in the presence of specific school or classroom conditions.

_ _ _ _ _

Self-Protection vs. Self-Evaluation

   Our last Blog:

June 24, 2023—CLICK HERE TO LINK

“New Paths to Address Disproportionate Discipline with Black Students: New Directives, Research, Solutions, and Another Example of Racial Hate”

. . . re-visited the ongoing persistence of disproportionate office discipline referrals and school suspensions for students of color and with disabilities by reviewing two very new research studies.

   The first experimental study, involving 1,339 virtually-recruited middle and high school teachers who taught at 295 different schools across the United States, showed that:

   (1) at the individual teacher level, Black boys are perceived as being more blameworthy and referred to the principal more readily than White boys for identical misbehavior, and

 

   (2) at the organization level, blaming climates among teachers in minority schools mean each percentage-point higher Black or Latinx enrollment is significantly associated with greater perceived blameworthiness for students of all racial/ethnic backgrounds, compared to teachers viewing identical misbehavior in White schools.

_ _ _ _ _

   The second study, analyzing data from four full school years and involving 227,922 student-year observations in a large urban school district in California, found that

While Black students only accounted for 7% of all students enrolled in the district and 12% of students in top office discipline referrers’ classrooms, they represented close to 22% of all referred students and 27% of students referred by top referrers.

 

Years of experience seems to be a particularly salient predictor of disproportionate office discipline referrals involving Black student—one that holds across school levels. Together, the results suggest that teachers who are White, early career, and serve middle schools are the ones who engage more in extensive referring.

   These studies clearly implicate the presence and effects of explicit and implicit bias of White (and other) teachers against Black students who demonstrate the same mild to moderate interpersonal, disruptive, or noncompliance challenges that White students demonstrate.

   Despite this clear bias, it is easier for district leaders and school administrators to ignore the apparent.

   They do this by “intellectualizing” the issue, focusing on teaching staff Restorative Discipline strategies that they will then use with students, instead of having the staff discussions, training, and supervision that may make their colleagues uncomfortable.

   Critically, based on research-to-practice, this training should focus on the presence and effects of bias, as well as how to (a) build and sustain positive staff-student and student-student relationships and classroom climate; (b) use positive, equitable, and responsive classroom management systems; and (c) correct and change inappropriate student behavior in a multi-tiered system of supports context.

   By avoiding the bias issue, school leaders reinforce everyone’s natural inclination to protect our feelings of adequacy, integrity, and self-esteem, while discouraging the self-evaluation that we all need to continue our personal and professional growth. 

   Moreover, this avoidance is parallel to what has occurred in some states where they have sanitized Black history and “outlawed” discussions of race in our schools. . . for fear that some students will feel uncomfortable or even guilty?

   Parenthetically, why is it that we can (or must) discuss the Holocaust, the Japanese internment camps of World War II, and the mid-17th to 20th century Boarding Schools filled with Native American children. . . and we cannot honestly address the depth and breadth of Black history?

_ _ _ _ _

Social Media vs. Social Justice

   This last reason—that explains the beginning and continuation of Restorative Discipline’s “group contagion bandwagon”—reflects the contrast between social media and social justice.

   For less than $100, anyone can purchase a website, open a social media account, conduct a survey, and post “research” that their approach to Restorative Discipline is “effective” and even “favored” in the field.

   And while I am somewhat over-stating this reality to make a point, the popular press, social media, and some publishers and vendors (as shown above and in past Blogs) have helped drive the Restorative Discipline bandwagon.

   To confuse the issue even further, some Black advocacy groups also have promoted Restorative Justice in the name of social justice (note the historical roots of restorative practices in Australia within the criminal justice reform movement).

   This is all very confusing to many educators—especially those who (as above) do not recognize the Restorative Discipline research gaps.

   But we need to get this right.

   Disproportionate school-based office discipline referrals, law enforcement arrests, corporal punishments, alternative program placements, suspensions, and expulsions are a true social justice challenge.

   They follow in the same historical footsteps as slavery, lynchings, false incarcerations, the Jim Crow laws, segregation, Red Lining, the Tulsa Race Massacre, and many other atrocities.

   We need to be more critical consumers of the research and practice, false or disingenuous social media marketing, and political and profit-centered “wolves” hiding in “sheep’s clothing.”

   But we also need to use our own social media posts to advocate for social justice by emphasizing (as in this entire Blog section) that disproportionate discipline issues in our schools require:

·   Complex analyses with strategic interventions—based on Science and not Magical Thinking—that are directly connected to those analyses; 

·   A cacophony of elevated Singular Voices that unite (a) to counter the “noise” of those who recommend unproven strategies or interventions that waste our time and set us back; and (b) to guide the implementation of the multi-faceted, multi-tiered interventions needed for this complex situation; and 

·   Self-Evaluation, self-awareness, and self-improvement, rather than avoidance, self-protection, and defensiveness.

   As noted, we need to get this right.

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _

In the Final Analysis. . .

   In the final analysis, restorative practices typically are only needed or used when students have already misbehaved or demonstrated antisocial behavior.

   Moreover, the hypothetical restorative belief is that—when students are held accountable for their behavior, and are “confronted” with their offense, for example, by participating in a restorative circle of their peers, apologizing, restoring a damaged setting or relationship, and/or providing physical or monetary restitution—they will consciously avoid future inappropriate behavior.

   And this is the point.

   Scientifically, restorative practices (a) occur after an inappropriate behavior has occurred—even though all of us want to prevent the inappropriate behavior in the first place; and (b) they occur because a student has made a choice to demonstrate the inappropriate behavior.

   And yet, there are many other reasons why students demonstrate inappropriate behavior. . . reasons that restorative practices will not change.

   Indeed, inappropriate student behavior also occurs due to one or more of the following root causes:

·   The student is experiencing a significant biological, physiological, biochemical, neurological, cognitive, or other organically-determined behavioral health issues or concern 

·   The student is experiencing a setting with a significant negative climate and/or relationships (e.g., that is toxic, dangerous, threatening, or unpredictable) 

·   The student does not have the interpersonal, social problem-solving, and/or conflict prevention or resolution skills to demonstrate the appropriate behavior

·   The student does not have the emotional awareness, control, communication, or coping skills to handle emotional situations that require appropriate behavior or interactions

·   The student is not held consistently accountable for inappropriate behavior (e.g., by adults or peers) which reinforces and strengthens that behavior as, for example, some teachers allow it or “look the other way”—letting the student “get away with it,” while other teachers appropriately confront, stop, and provide consequences for it

·   The student has a teacher who has not been taught or has poor classroom management skills, or the student is in a common school area (e.g., a cafeteria, playground, bus, bathroom) with insufficient or poor supervision, or unclear expectations or incentives/consequences 

·   The student’s inappropriate behavior is reinforced by a peer culture or group where this reinforcement is stronger or more valued by the student over the appropriate expectations or the adult consequences

·   The student’s inappropriate behavior occurs due to clinical anxiety, stress, or trauma; a disability or mental health issue (e.g., conduct disorders); or a related special or unique situation

   Once again, retroactive restorative practices will not enact or facilitate a change in students’ inappropriate behavior when the root causes above are present.

   Explicitly. . . restorative practices do not change or prepare a student:

·   With a significant biological, physiological, biochemical, neurological, cognitive, or other organically-determined behavioral health issues or concern 

·   In settings with a significant negative climate and/or relationships

·   Who has not learned and mastered the interpersonal, social problem-solving, and/or conflict prevention or resolution skills needed to demonstrate appropriate behavior in specific situations

·   Who has not learned and mastered the emotional awareness, control, communication, or coping skills required to handle emotional situations 

·   Who is not held consistently accountable for inappropriate behavior by adults or peers

·   Who has a teacher or others (depending on the school setting) who has not learned or has poor behavior management skills

·   Whose inappropriate behavior occurs because peer attention and reinforcement is stronger or more valued than adult reinforcement or consequences

·   Whose inappropriate behavior occurs due to a disability, mental health, or traumatic (or similar) situation

   Beyond this, when students consciously choose to demonstrate inappropriate behavior, restorative practice responses will not change (and are illogical and out-of-place for) behaviors that are intense, extreme, dangerous, physically harmful, abusive, destructive, or significantly anti-social.

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _

Summary

   This Blog began with a simple National Association of Elementary School Principal’s Twitter post—linked to a recent District Administration article—that proclaimed:

“Leaders in district after district, sometimes with prodding from state legislators, are now rolling back more lenient restorative discipline policies and relying again on suspensions and other punitive measures.”

   We used this post and article to reinforce some critical research and points from our past Blogs, and some new perspectives (in this Blog) to emphasize that Restorative Discipline (a) has largely been a media-fed bandwagon that (b) has never been validated through methodologically-sound research, (c) included some effective classroom management strategies in its branding efforts, and (d) has been maintained by a “group contagion bandwagon” buoyed by educators’ psychological inclination for:

·   Simplicity (vs. Complexity)

·   Being Part of a Group (vs. Standing on their Own)

·   Supernatural or Wishful Thinking (vs. Scientific or Data-Driven Thinking)

·   Protecting their Feelings of Adequacy and Self-Esteem (vs. Evaluating their Beliefs, Biases, and Behaviors)

·   Trusting the Popular Press and Social Media (vs. Recognizing Explicit and Implicit assaults on Social Justice)

   In the end, we are hopeful that (a) a full roll-back of Restorative Discipline programs occurs, (b) states and districts do not accompany this roll-back with a return to zero tolerance approaches, and (c) school leaders continue to use the scientifically-proven classroom management strategies and interventions that have been long-established (and do not need concurrent Restorative Discipline frameworks for success).

   Beyond discussing the five dynamics above in detail, we also:

·        Discussed Restorative Discipline in the context of schools’ disproportionate office discipline referrals and suspensions of students of color and with disabilities; 

·        Revisited the Pittsburgh School District study where a specific Restorative Practice program produced negative results relative to student behavior and academic achievement, teacher/staff morale, administrative support, and sustained classroom management success’

·        Showed how both the popular press and some professional organizations have irresponsibly published works that ignore or misinterpret the Restorative Discipline data, offering false support to its implementation;

·        Noted that Restorative Discipline is not a preventative process as it occurs after a student has misbehaved or demonstrated anti-social behavior, and assumes that the student has chosen the inappropriate act; and

·        Detailed a number of other reasons why students behave badly, emphasizing that Restorative Discipline will not change their future behavior because it does not scientifically connect to these root causes.

   In the end, this is not a rant to “take down” Restorative Discipline, and—other than wanting educators to use effective practices that have the highest probability of classroom management and student behavior success—this is not a personal agenda for me.

   As an student and social justice advocate, however, there is a professional agenda here.

   But it is a professional agenda that all of us should embrace—regardless of race, religion, ethnicity, political affiliation, or family history or background.

_ _ _ _ _

   As always, I appreciate those of you who read these Blogs—especially during your summer break, and I hope they are useful to you.

   If you want to read more research-to-practice solutions for the disproportionate disciplinary actions taken against students of color and with disabilities, go to our three-part Blog Series that began on July 31, 2021.

[CLICK HERE for Part I:

The Critical Common Sense Components Needed to Eliminate Disproportionate School Discipline Referrals and Suspensions for Students of Color: This is NOT About Critical Race Theory (But We Discuss It)]

_ _ _ _ _

   Meanwhile, if I can help you, your colleagues, your school, your district, or those in your professional setting to address your students’ social, emotional, or behavioral challenges, send me an email and let’s set up a time to talk. This first consultation hour is on the house.

Best,

Howie

[CLICK HERE to read this Blog on the Project ACHIEVE Webpage]

Saturday, June 24, 2023

New Paths to Address Disproportionate Discipline with Black Students

New Directives, Research, Solutions, and Another Example of Racial Hate

[CLICK HERE to read this Blog on the Project ACHIEVE Webpage]

Dear Colleagues,

Introduction

   In the nine years of writing these bi-monthly Blogs, I have noticed consistent national “news cycles” in what is published or reported in education during specific times of the year.

   One trend—especially prevalent right now—is the focus on school discipline data. . . right after each school year has ended.

   For me, this is counter-intuitive, because—other than using summative school discipline data to prepare for the next school year (which is still a good thing), the end-of-year focus can’t impact anything that has already occurred and is now in the past.

   To buck this trend, schools should be analyzing (not just reporting) their school discipline data every monthincluding their school safety, climate, classroom management, and student engagement data.

   In this way, positive trends and outcomes, as well as setting and student “hot-spots” can be identified as they are occurring, with corresponding steps to generalize and extend the strengths, and other steps to prevent and eliminate future (e.g., next month’s) problems.

_ _ _ _ _

   A second particularly persistent trend—which we have addressed in numerous Blogs over the past nine years—is the ongoing documentation of disproportionate office discipline referrals and school suspensions for Black students and students with disabilities.

   While school discipline problems decreased for all students for a while before the Pandemic, they have significantly increased since. But within these disciplinary ups and downs, the disproportionate gap involving the aforementioned students has not closed, and we seem no closer to any real solutions.

   To this end, rather than rehash the data (and re-emphasize the solutions that we have achieved with our consultation work across the country—see this BLOG LINK from our Project ACHIEVE website), this Blog focuses on a new directive, two new research studies, and one recent tragic example of the continued presence of racial prejudice and hate in many Black students’ lives (Four Paths).

   Through this discussion, we will re-visit the root causes underlying the disproportionate discipline data in our schools in new ways, and recommend a number of resulting directions to improve school climate, teacher understanding, and student-teacher interactions for Black students.

   Some of the root causes we will discuss involve the impact of:

·       Punitive school discipline climates—especially in schools where a majority of the students are students of color; 

·       Implicit or explicit bias in classroom teachers whose office discipline referrals vary across Black vs. Hispanic vs. White students—even when they demonstrate the same inappropriate classroom behaviors; and 

·       New or inexperienced teachers on a school’s disproportionate office discipline referrals for students of color.

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 

Path I: A New Directive from the Biden Administration

   On May 26, 2023, the U.S. Department of Justice and Education released a joint Resource on Confronting Racial Discrimination in Student Discipline to the education community.

   Embedded in the release was a reminder that unfair or disproportionate school discipline practices could incur an investigation for possible violations of Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.

   While not as assertive as the 2014 Guidance Letter on the same topic from the Obama Administration, the goal is the same:

To eliminate any racial disparities seen in disproportionate discipline actions for students of color and with disabilities by ensuring that districts and schools have and use fair and consistent policies and practices for all students.

   The joint Press Release announcing the Resource stated:

Th(is) Resource demonstrates the Departments' ongoing commitment to the vigorous enforcement of laws that protect students from discrimination on the basis of race, color, or national origin in student discipline. The Resource provides examples of the Departments' investigations of such discrimination over the last 10 years, reflecting the long-standing approach and continuity in the Departments' enforcement practices over time and the continuing urgency of assuring nondiscrimination in student discipline in our nation's schools.

   Accompanying the Resource was a link to four Fact Sheets on Strategies for Student and Teacher Support Teams, for Educators and School-Based Staff, for Schools to Enhance Relationships with Families, and for School and District Leaders.

   Collectively, this First Path is a policy- and practice-driven path that (as above) encourages districts and schools to:

·       Review their discipline policies and practices from cultural and equity perspectives; 

·       Analyze their discipline and suspension data by gender, race, socio-economic status, and other pertinent variables;

·       Evaluate their multi-tiered system of social, emotional, and behavioral instruction and intervention; and

·       Assess their staff professional development, coaching, supervision, and accountability activities in the areas of cultural competence, social-emotional learning, and classroom management.

   If done well, districts and schools can begin (or continue) their journeys toward creating safe, protected, welcoming, nurturing, and support school and classroom climates for Black and other students of color. This is an important complement to eliminating racially-bound disproportionate discipline referrals for students of color.

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 

Path II: Teacher Bias DOES Explain Disproportionate Office Discipline Referrals, Especially in MORE in Punitive, High-Minority Schools

   The first new research study to review was published on-line in American Sociological Review by Jayanti Owens on November 18, 2022:

“Double Jeopardy: Teacher Biases, Racialized Organizations, and the Production of Racial/Ethnic Disparities in School Discipline”

[CLICK HERE]

   This sound, methodologically-sophisticated study looked at the differential impact of teacher bias relative to their perceptions of Black, Hispanic, and White students’ misbehavior in the context of their respective school’s approach to student discipline.

   This was accomplished by factoring out what some researchers call “the differential behavior hypothesis” which suggests that Black and other students of color misbehave more often in school and, thus, receive more discipline referrals.

   To set up the study, Owens surveyed classroom teachers to identify common classroom misbehaviors, and then professionally produced three different 30- to 45-second video-vignettes with professional high-school-aged actors who were Black, Hispanic, or White.

   Initially, the videos depicted these racially-different male students: (a) slamming a door while entering a classroom, (b) disrupting a classroom by loudly throwing a pencil into a garbage can, and (c) receiving a text message during a test.

   As the three vignettes progressed, each student then reacted defiantly when confronted by the teacher:

·       In the “door slam” vignette, the student purposefully slammed the door again, staring at the teacher in defiance. 

·       In the “paper throw” vignette, the student crumpled up his test booklet and threw it into the garbage, again staring down the teacher. 

·       In the “texting” vignette, the student ignored the teacher’s warning, continued texting and, once again, stared down the teacher.

   Participating initially in the study were 1,339 virtually-recruited middle and high school teachers who taught at 295 different schools across the United States. Sixty-five percent were female, they averaged 16 years of full-time teaching experience (11 years at their current schools), and their average age was 43 years-old. Twenty-nine percent taught in urban schools, 46% in suburban schools, and 25% in rural schools.

   The 1,339 participants completed a 30-minute survey describing the demographics of their schools and their school’s approach to classroom discipline. A subset of these participants then randomly viewed one out of the nine possible race-specific video-vignettes (three racial/ethnic groups by the three vignettes described above). Each experimental condition had roughly 149 respondents.

   After virtually viewing the vignette, each participant (a) described the behavior of the student in the video in an open-ended text box (that was later analyzed by independent raters on each teacher’s perception of the “blameworthiness” of the student in the video), and (b) they reported on whether an office referral should occur.

   Statistical analyses showed that the participating teachers were representative of public school teachers across the country in teacher race/ethnicity, teacher gender, region of the country, school racial/ethnic and socioeconomic composition, and school urbanicity.

_ _ _ _ _

   According to the article (and quoting), the results of the study revealed that:

Black boys face a “double jeopardy” that can contribute to the racial gap in disciplinary referrals, net of differences in student behavior:

 

   (1) at the individual teacher level, Black boys are perceived as being more blameworthy and referred to the principal more readily than White boys for identical misbehavior (although directionally consistent, anti-Latinx blaming and referral biases are smaller in magnitude and non-significant), and

 

   (2) at the organization level, blaming climates among teachers in minority schools mean each percentage-point higher Black or Latinx enrollment is significantly associated with greater perceived blameworthiness for students of all racial/ethnic backgrounds, compared to teachers viewing identical misbehavior in White schools.

_ _ _ _ _

 

Among Black and White boys, an estimated 27 percent of the total effect of student race on referral in this sample operates through individual-level blaming bias. This 27 percent is modest compared to the estimated 73 percent that operates through “referral bias”—that is, the greater referral of Black boys for the same perceived blameworthiness.

 

Yet, it is of tremendous substantive importance: whereas the designs of most prior studies of discipline prevent scholars from disentangling “differential behavior perceptions” from “differential treatment,” this study reveals that between one-quarter and one-third of what has historically been understood as “differential treatment” for the same behavior may in fact be attributable to “differential behavior perceptions,” an understudied mechanism of discipline at the individual level.

_ _ _ _ _

 

At the organization level, this study’s ability to have teachers across minority and White schools evaluate equal shares of White, Black, and Latino boys committing identical misbehavior descriptively, but powerfully, suggests the higher suspension rates of Black and Latino boys cannot be wholly accounted for by differences in behavior.

 

When presenting a teacher with a given behavior by a White student, the response is more punitive among teachers in minority schools than in White schools. Descriptively, the punitive response among teachers in minority schools could be related to these schools’ use of suspensions, zero-tolerance policies for a wide range of infractions, and heightened blaming among experienced (disproportionately Latinx) teachers who do not select out of minority schools.

 

At the population level, this finding has significant implications for Black and Latino boys, as they are systematically sorted into more punitive and social control–oriented schools where teachers, on average, exhibit greater perceptual bias toward students of all racial/ethnic backgrounds.

_ _ _ _ _

   A June 16, 2023 Education Week article, “How Teacher Bias and School Culture Shape School Discipline,” reviewed Owens’ research, and then discussed its implications through interviews with Owens and other educators.

   Critically, Owens noted that schools with a majority of students of color are more likely to have punitive and zero tolerance policies, more security cameras and school police on campus, and discipline approaches that emphasize student control as a primary mechanism for school safety and classroom management.

   She also cited research that has found that teacher training focused on building relationships with, empathy for, and understanding of students was more effective than anti-bias training.

   As quoted in Education Week, Owens discussed how to get past both the personal and the institutional bias found in her study:

It’s about changing the context in which they’re operating. So that you’re able to minimize the effects of any bias that does exist through things like policies and norms, leadership styles of administrators, the ways in which you construct your discipline code in the first place, and the ways in which you operationalize that code, as well as a bunch of sort of proactive preventative strategies to prevent misbehavior from occurring in the first place.

   The Education Week reinforced the importance of not blaming teachers, but helping them to reflect on their practice and interactions. It also advocated that schools change their perspective of “discipline” as a vehicle of getting students to act in specific ways to a culture of belonging and respect.

   The article also quoted Jessika Bottiani, a research associate professor at the University of Virginia:

(I)f the goal is to get students to come to school engaged in what they are learning and respectful of themselves and others, that requires less a culture of control and more a culture that is focused on understanding and meeting students’ developmental and psychological needs as conditions for learning, and tapping their cultural strengths as funds of knowledge to support their engagement.

   Encapsulating our Second Path, the Education Week article concluded with a plea that districts and schools take Owens’ findings and directly confront issues around racial bias.

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 

Path III: Less Experienced Teachers Contribute to Racial Disproportionality

   The second research study to review was published on-line last week (June 14, 2023) in Educational Researcher.

“Troublemakers? The Role of Frequent Teacher Referrers in Expanding Racial Disciplinary Disproportionalities”

[CLICK HERE]

   In a methodologically well-done study, this research analyzed the characteristics of “office-referring” teachers, “misbehaving” students, and discipline offenses from a large urban school district in California during the 2016-2017 through 2019-2020 school years. Using its extremely detailed student information reporting system, the District served over 79,000 unique students in Kindergarten through Grade 12 in 101 unique schools—resulting in 227,922 student-year observations.

   The goal of the study was to statistically identify the characteristics of the top office discipline referrers, and determine if there were referral patterns over time. This began by analyzing the teachers responsible for the top 5% of the District’s office discipline referrals (ODRs) based on each teacher’s annual ODR count.

   Demographically, about 33% of the District’s students were Asian, 30% were Hispanic students, 12% were White, 10% were either multi-racial or other races, and 7% were Black.

   In total, 75,229 Office Discipline Referrals (ODRs) were issued by 2,928 unique teachers (5,855 teacher-year observations) during the four years included in the study. Only 34% of the District’s teachers ever made an office discipline referral, and 50.4% of these teachers made fewer than five referrals per year.

   At the same time, the teachers referring the top 5% of the District’s office discipline referrals (1.7% of all teachers) issued over 48 ODRs per year—approximately one ODR for every 4 school days. In all, fewer than 80 teachers in the District who were identified as top 5% referrers. They accounted for 34.8% of all ODRs made during the study’s four school years.

   After pooling the individually-coded ODRs into three categories, interpersonal offenses, disruption, or noncompliance comprised 57% of the ODRs, violence comprised 28% of ODRs, and drugs, class skipping, and other reasons comprised the remaining 15%.

   The top discipline referrers were 49% White, 18% Asian, 16% Hispanic, 5% Black, and 5% from multiracial or other races. Critically, when compared to the other racial groups, Black and Hispanic students were over-represented among the ODRs of the top referrers.

_ _ _ _ _

   After extensive data analyses, the following four primary results were emphasized (quoting, with minor edits and paragraph transpositions):

1. Holding everything else equal, we find mostly statistically insignificant differences on teachers’ referring behavior by gender, but we find clear evidence that teachers of color are much less likely to be a referrer or a top referrer compared with their White colleagues.

 

For example, across all school levels, a Black teacher’s likelihood of being a referrer is 4.8 percentage points lower than a White teacher’s. This number is 2.2 percentage points when comparing relative likelihoods of being a top referrer.

 

Hispanic teachers are also significantly less likely to refer students or be a top referrer than White teachers—these coefficients are one-third to one-half of the magnitudes of the coefficients for Black teachers.

 

While Asian teachers have even a lower probability of referring students compared with Black and Hispanic teachers, they are equally as likely to be a top referrer as their White colleagues when they do make ODRs, suggesting varied referring behavior among Asian teachers.

_ _ _ _ _


2. We find that Black and Hispanic students are overrepresented among students who were referred by top referrers compared to the other three groups.

 

These gaps are mainly driven by higher numbers of ODRs issued for Black and Hispanic students due to more subjective reasons like interpersonal offences and defiance. These ODRs also partially, although not entirely, convert to racial gaps in suspensions.

 

First, not surprisingly, there are clear disproportionalities in the racial composition of students who received ODRs from top referrers considering the overall racial composition of the district. However, top referrers also referred higher proportions of Black and Hispanic students compared to all referred students and relative to their representation among students in their schools and classrooms.

 

For example, Black students only accounted for 7% of all students enrolled in the district and 12% of students in top referrers’ classrooms, but they represented close to 22% of all referred students and 27% of students referred by top referrers.

 

This confirms our finding that top referrers widen racial gaps in ODRs.

 

While we find that top referrers indeed teach at schools with slightly higher proportions of Black and Hispanic students and even more so in their classrooms, the differences between the racial compositions of their classrooms, schools, and the district seem to explain only some but not all of the differences between the racial composition of the students who they referred and all referred students.

 

Thus, both the level and racial compositions of the school sites where top referrers serve and their personal and professional traits seem to explain some of their extensive referring behavior.

_ _ _ _ _

 

3. Years of experience seems to be a particularly salient predictor that holds across school levels. Together, the results suggest that teachers who are White, early career, and serve middle schools are the ones who engage more in extensive referring.

 

As teachers accumulate more years of teaching experience, especially after 3 years when they receive tenure, their likelihood of being a referrer or a top referrer quickly drops.

 

Notably, at the middle school level, where top referrers are the most prevalent, extra years of experience does not reduce a teacher’s likelihood of being a referrer until they reach at least 11 years of experience.

 

However, any additional experience does greatly reduce the likelihood of being a top referrer. Notably, on average, only about 25% of teachers who are identified as top referrers in a given year remain in that category in the next year, and even a smaller proportion persist to the third year.

_ _ _ _ _

Research and Practice Implications

   This study confirmed a number of themes present across years of school disproportionality research (and also discussed in the first research study above):

·       Disproportionality has both systems-level and teacher- (and administrator-) level root causes.

·       The highest number of ODRs tend to be in Middle Schools.

·       After demonstrating the same interpersonal, disruptive, or noncompliance “offenses,” disproportionality often occurs as teachers subjectively send students of color to the office more often than White or other racial-background students.

   But this study—as its most-major contribution—also demonstrated that White, early career, middle school teachers in this District were both the highest referring teachers and those who most-widened the ODR racial gap.

   Our many past Blogs have documented the significant dearth of training, coaching, and supervision in student behavior and classroom management “experienced” by most new (and non-certified) teachers in their teacher training programs.

   Taking this and the two studies above, districts and schools need to particularly (a) target their new teachers (for three years or more), (b) in ways that are sensitive to their races and backgrounds, and to (c) the racial, grade, developmental, and life experience needs of their students, in the areas of:

·       Gender, race, socio-economic, and related differences; 

·       Normal, abnormal, and ecologically-generated behavior;

·       Building and sustaining positive staff-to-student and student-to-student relationships and interpersonal interactions;

·       Classroom management and early intervention; and

·       In-class strategies to address students’ interpersonal, disruptive, or noncompliance challenges.

   This “targeting” should involve professional development that includes knowledge and information, skill and application, and confidence and competence. . . through in-services and then practice, coaching, supervision, evaluation, and accountability.

   This, in sum, is these implications provide a Third Path toward addressing disproportionate discipline in our schools today.

 _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 

Another Example of How Racial Hate Affects Black Students

   The last Path is the path of understanding, empathy, and action.

   While we could frame it within the context of explicit or implicit bias and prejudice (depending on how you respond to this section of the Blog and the two reports below), the true message is one of understanding how it feels to go to school and experience bullying, harassment, and hate because of the color of your skin.

   And whether it is framed in over 400 years of systemic racism against Blacks in this country, the more-recent Black Lives Matter movement, or “just” the experiences of a 14-year-old Black adolescent in Colorado below, we have got to recognize that there is a personal component to the disproportionate disciplinary referrals of students of color.

   How else can we explain our failure to successfully address this problem—one that has been present well beyond the professional careers of most of us?

_ _ _ _ _

   The story here is of Jeremiah Ganzy, a 14-year-old bi-racial middle school student in the Douglas County School District, Colorado. He and his family (including two sisters, one who graduated from the District) told the School Board in late April about the racial slurs and prejudice they had experienced in within District schools. . . Jeremiah especially this year.

   It should not matter that Jeremiah’s mother is White and a military wife grew up in the District. It should not matter is that Jeremiah takes advanced courses and has never been “a problem” in school.

   What should matter is what has happened to a young adolescent as he tries to navigate a sometimes-challenging time in everyone’s life.

   Listen below to the local news and the more-detailed Colorado Public Radio reports regarding what has occurred and its impact.



   This is shocking stuff.

   But it is experienced by countless Black, bi-racial, and other students of color in our schools across the country every day.

   And this is another level of disproportionality that they continually experience.

   According to print version of the Colorado Public Radio report:

For Ganzy, she said she wants schools to have a victim advocate who knows about equality, diversity and race.

 

“And I want there to be education for this student that commits the hate speech. I want there to be a clear definition of punishment for hate crime because you're summing it up as bullying and it's illegal. This is more than bullying, it's a hate crime,” she said.

 

She said the school gave her three options. One was for her son to transfer to Mesa Middle School, where last fall the mother of a seventh-grader alleged that an older student randomly sent a racist message to her son at school.

 

The other two options were to homeschool him or to return to Castle Rock Middle School with a safety plan. 

 

“My son could never return to that school, ever,” she said. “And my son could never go to high school. They talked about lynching him and now all of the kids know who he is. There is not enough safety that they could wrap around my kids where I would believe that he was protected and truly safe.”

 

Ganzy said her son is a “trainwreck.” He hasn’t been in school for a week.

 

“They were talking about he was the snitch, talking about lynching him,” she said. “We've just cut him off from social media completely. I feel like we're wearing a scarlet letter in Castle Rock.”

 

She said her son will participate in online school for the remainder of the year. Ganzy said she needs to move her family out of Castle Rock.

 

“He's not safe. These are kids that he rides the bus with. They live right next to us. This has forever changed my family's life,” she said. 

   The Ganzy family is reported to be moving out of the District. They leave a system that is broken. . . even as they try to protect Jeremiah and their other children.

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 

 Summary 

   This Blog re-visited a persistent problem in schools across the country: the ongoing presence of disproportionate office discipline referrals and school suspensions for students of color and with disabilities.

   While school discipline problems decreased for all students for a while before the Pandemic, they have significantly increased since. But within these disciplinary ups and downs, the disproportionate gap involving the aforementioned students has not closed, and we seem no closer to any real solutions.

   To this end, rather than rehash the data, this Blog focuses on a new directive, two new research studies, and one recent tragic example of the continued presence of racial prejudice and hate in many Black students’ lives. In doing this, we re-focused on the root causes underlying the disproportionate discipline data in our schools in new ways, and recommended a number of resulting directions to improve school climate, teacher understanding, and student-teacher interactions for Black students.

   Some of the root causes we discussed involve the impact of:

·       Punitive school discipline climates—especially in schools where a majority of the students are students of color;

·       Implicit or explicit bias in classroom teachers whose office discipline referrals vary across Black vs. Hispanic vs. White students—even when they demonstrate the same inappropriate classroom behaviors; and

·       New or inexperienced teachers on a school’s disproportionate office discipline referrals for students of color.

   After reviewing two new research studies in detail, we concluded that districts and schools need to particularly (a) target their new teachers (for three years or more), (b) in ways that are sensitive to their races and backgrounds, and to (c) the racial, grade, developmental, and life experience needs of their students, in the areas of:

·       Gender, race, socio-economic, and related differences;

·       Normal, abnormal, and ecologically-generated behavior; 

·       Building and sustaining positive staff-to-student and student-to-student relationships and interpersonal interactions;

·       Classroom management and early intervention; and

·       In-class strategies to address students’ interpersonal, disruptive, or noncompliance challenges.

   This “targeting” should involve professional development that includes knowledge and information, skill and application, and confidence and competence. . . through in-services and then practice, coaching, supervision, evaluation, and accountability.

   We ended this piece with a horrific recent example and reminder—as an extreme example of disproportionality in our schools—of what Black students still face at the hands of their peers—in addition to their teachers and administrators—in our country.

_ _ _ _ _

   While taking continual deep breaths, know that it is hard to suppress my emotions when writing these columns on disproportionality. . . especially in the divided world that we now live in.

   But this will never deter me from bringing critical research, information, and solutions to those who read this Blog, and from my commitment to help as many districts and schools as I can to address and solve these issues in the most effective ways.

   If you or your colleagues need my assistance—to discuss ideas, consider solutions, and focus attention on proven practices and results—please feel free to contact me at any time.

Best,

Howie

[CLICK HERE to read this Blog on the Project ACHIEVE Webpage]