Saturday, August 28, 2021

Disproportionate School Discipline, and How Long-Term Suspensions Don’t Work and Don’t Improve Classroom Conditions When Students are Gone (An Unexpected Part III)

 The Numbers Don’t Lie, But Are They Enough to Prompt Change?

[CLICK HERE for the Full Blog Version of this Discussion]

Dear Colleagues,

Introduction

   Honestly, I did not expect to be writing today about:

  • School discipline (again);
  • The presence and effects of disproportionate discipline referrals on students of color (and with disabilities); and
  • How we can improve school discipline practices. . . . even if your district or school has small number of these students, or “does not have this problem.”

   Relative to the last bullet above, my Blog discussions in this area are generally more about maximizing positive and safe school climates, effective classroom management and academic engagement, and teaching and reinforcing students’ social, emotional, and behavioral self-management skills. . .  than about “school discipline” and disproportionality.

   Moreover, these discussions most emphasize the science-to-practice that often is missing in how many schools approach school discipline and classroom management, and they critically analyze (and discourage) many of the programs (e.g., PBIS, SEL, Restorative Justice) that some educators believe (or have been told) “work” (see more about this below).

   But the reason for this “Unexpected Part III”—extending the discussions of my last two Blogs (August 14, 2021 and July 31, 2021)—is a Study published just this past week on the long-term impact of different lengths of school suspensions for middle and high school students in the New York City School District from 2009 through 2018.

CLICK HERE FOR:

July 31, 2021 Blog

The Critical Common Sense Components Needed to Eliminate Disproportionate School Discipline Referrals and Suspensions for Students of Color: This is NOT About Critical Race Theory—But We Discuss It (Part I)

_ _ _ _ _

CLICK HERE FOR:

August 14, 2021 Blog

The Components Needed to Eliminate Disproportionate School Discipline Referrals and Suspensions for Students of Color Do Not Require Anti-Bias Training: Behind Every Iron Chef is an Iron-Clad Recipe (Part II)

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _

More Severe Suspensions Have Greater Negative Student Effects: On Academics, Attendance, and Future Behavior

   This past week, the American Institutes for Research (AIR) published a comprehensive analysis of middle and high school suspensions across the New York City School District from 2009 through 2018.

   The study used sophisticated matching techniques to study every student who was eligible to be suspended over this ten-year period, and it involved 1.24 million student behavior incidents—ranging in severity from minor (e.g., insubordination) to violent offenses (i.e., the use of weapons).

   The study also compared the outcomes of students who received a harsher disciplinary response with students who received a less harsh response for the same type of offense.

   The statistical analyses compared the following discipline actions:

  • Out-of-School Suspension (OSS) versus In-School Suspension (ISS);
  • ISS of 2 or 3 days versus ISS of 1 day;
  •  ISS of 4 or 5 days versus ISS of 2 or 3 days;
  • OSS of 6-20 days versus OSS of 1-5 days; and
  • OSS of 21 or more days versus OSS of 6-20 days.

_ _ _ _ _

   Relative to disproportionality, the Study really did not emphasize a very concerning fact that it nonetheless reported:

Black students in New York City had a far greater risk of being reported for a behavioral incident and of receiving severe exclusionary discipline as compared to white students. For example, Black middle and high school students had a relative risk of being suspended for 21 or more days that was 8 and 6 times that of white middle and high school students respectively.

 

These results suggest that, despite the negative effects of receiving a more severe exclusionary discipline response being similar regardless of race, the disparate use of exclusionary discipline by student race contributes to the racial achievement gap and the racial gap in high school graduation.

   And so, once again, the negative impacts of disproportionate disciplinary actions against student of color were both present and compelling.

[See the Links above to Parts I and II of this Series, and how to effectively change disproportionality in schools]

_ _ _ _ _ 

   As describe by AIR, the primary results of their New York City study included the following:

  • More severe exclusionary discipline had a consistent negative effect on middle and high school students’ math and English language arts (ELA) credit accumulation and likelihood of on-time graduation.

For example, high school students who received an OSS rather than an ISS were about three percentage points less likely to attain both a math and ELA credit the following year.

 

An OSS of 21 or more days had the largest negative effects on graduation, with a five-percentage point reduction in the likelihood of graduating on time. 

_ _ _ _ _

  • More severe exclusionary discipline had a consistent negative effect on middle school students’ future reported behavior.

Receiving an OSS rather than an ISS and receiving a longer OSS rather than a shorter one had particularly negative consequences. No effects were found for high school students.

 

This suggests that more severe exclusionary discipline does not serve as a deterrent to reported future misbehavior and, for younger children, may exacerbate reported future behavior. 

_ _ _ _ _

  • The effects of exclusionary discipline on students’ later behavior and educational outcomes were similar for all students regardless of race, socioeconomic status or disability.

However, since data show that Black students and students with disabilities face exclusionary discipline at much higher rates, the negative effects disproportionately impact students in those subgroups. 

[CLICK HERE to Link to the AIR Study]

_ _ _ _ _

   An Education Week article (August 26, 2021) summarizing the AIR study framed the results in a series of “myths.”

   Here are a few of the myths they reported:

[CLICK HERE for the Blog Version that Expands on these Myths]

  • Myth: Suspensions improve student behavior
  • Myth: Suspensions help get at-risk students ‘back on track’
  • Myth: The severity of a student’s behavior drives suspensions

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _

Other Students Do Not Benefit When Suspended Students are Missing from Class

   Another important outcome of the AIR Study was that:

  • The analysis did not find any effect of the severity of discipline a student receives on the behavior, attendance, or achievement of their peers. 

Additionally, teacher and student reports of school climate, including school safety and classroom learning environment, were not affected by the severity of the discipline a student received. 

   As the Education Week article put it:

  • Myth: Excluding a troublemaker from class improves learning for the rest of the students 

Indeed, the study found that the number and severity of students’ suspensions had no effects on the behavior or academic performance of their peers in high school. In middle school, more and longer student suspensions were actually associated with more absenteeism and lower math and reading standardized test scores for their peers.

   This significant (and rarely studied) outcome clearly contradicts some educators’ beliefs that there are substantive effects on peers in the classroom when a “disruptive” student is both present and absent. While, naturally, a disruptive student does interrupt instruction, it appears that the substantive effects of the disruption—and how some educators use this as a rationale to suspend a student (i.e., to “benefit” the teacher and other students—are not present or well-founded, respectively.

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _

Great Study, But Poor Recommendations and Responses

   While the AIR Study provides sound research that reinforces many of the realities and issues discussed in our previous two Blogs, one of its recommendations—made in passing—was very disappointing.

   The Study suggested that:

Exclusionary discipline is a strategy that teachers and administrators use in an attempt to create a learning environment in which students are able to learn and are held accountable for their actions. If it is removed as a possible response and teachers are not provided with the resources and training they need to respond in more positive ways to attain these same goals, we might anticipate negative effects of the policy on misbehaving students and their peers.

 

However, if the policy shift is accompanied by increased funding and training for PBIS, SEL, and restorative practices, the effects might change direction.

   Critically, even before this AIR recommendation, New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio announced, on June 19, 2019, that all New York City elementary schools would participate in a specific SEL program, and that all middle and high schools would receive Restorative Justice training.

   With all due respect, why would AIR—which completed this study in collaboration with the New York City School District and which receives millions in funding from the U.S. Department of Education annually, make the recommendation above—ignoring research that demonstrates that PBIS, SEL, and Restorative Justice programs have little or no objective research support in the schools?

   Could it be that AIR does not want to compromise its relationship with the New York City School District. . . . or its funding from the U.S. Department of Education—which also spends millions of your tax dollars to fund three separate PBIS, SEL, and Restorative Justice National Technical Assistance Centers?

   If you are shocked by this assertion, please go back to Part I and Part II of this Blog Series:

CLICK HERE FOR:

July 31, 2021 Blog

The Critical Common Sense Components Needed to Eliminate Disproportionate School Discipline Referrals and Suspensions for Students of Color: This is NOT About Critical Race Theory—But We Discuss It (Part I)

_ _ _ _ _

CLICK HERE FOR:

August 14, 2021 Blog

The Components Needed to Eliminate Disproportionate School Discipline Referrals and Suspensions for Students of Color Do Not Require Anti-Bias Training: Behind Every Iron Chef is an Iron-Clad Recipe (Part II)

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _

Effective Disciplinary Questions Before or When Suspending Students

   Regardless of any controversy around PBIS, SEL, or Restorative Justice, and given the research that we reported (in the two earlier Blogs in this Series) regarding Administrators holding “a key” to legitimately decreasing disproportionate disciplinary referrals for students of color, we would like to ask Administrators to ask the situational questions below when a referral does occur.

   When students of color (and disabilities) are sent to the Office for “discipline,” please ask yourself the following seven questions:

[CLICK HERE for the Full Blog Describing Administrative Actions Directly Related to these Questions]

  • Question 1. Did the “offense” that prompted the referral involve a significant social, emotional, or behavioral offense that requires the attention of the Administrator (either by Code or in function)?
  • Question 2. Did the offense involve only the student(s) who was/(were) referred, or were other students involved (who were not referred, and why)?
  • Question 3. Does the referring teacher (or staff member) have a history of referring disproportionately more students (in general) or more students of color (specifically) to the Office?
  • Question 4. What is the academic standing, home and peer relationship status, and disciplinary history of the student being referred?
  • Question 5. Is the referred student (or has the student in the past) receiving mental health or social, emotional, or behavioral support or interventions in the school (or in previous schools)?
  • Question 6. Would formal or informal mediation with the referred student, the teacher (or referral source), other school staff, and (possibly) the students’ parents/guardians help eliminate the potential of future office referrals?
  • Question 7. Even if I “need” to suspend the student for this offense, will the suspension—in and of itself—significantly eliminate the potential of a future disciplinary offense by this student?

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _

Summary

   In Part I of the Series, we presented a definition of “racism,” and talked about Critical Race Theory. We did this to emphasize that (a) the disproportionate disciplinary treatment of students of color—especially Black students (as well as students with disabilities)—has existed for decades, and that (b) initiatives to eliminate disproportionality should not be linked to the recent politicized conversation involving Critical Race Theory.

   Part I then discussed six different approaches/flaws that have been implemented in the past to address school-level disciplinary disproportionality—explaining why they have not worked and, hence, why they should be avoided in the future.

   In Part II of this Series, we addressed the six reasons/flaws from Part I by providing effective practices and solutions to decrease or eliminate disproportionality.

   This was done by describing five interdependent psychoeducational components and their specific, embedded practices as organized within a strategically-implemented, evidence-based, multi-tiered professional development and coaching-centered whole-school initiative. This initiative is focused on teaching students—from preschool through high school— specific, observable, and measurable social, emotional, and behavioral self-management skills.

   In this Part III, we summarized a study published this week that analyzed over 1.24 million student behavior incidents that occurred between 2009 and 2018 in the middle and high school of the New York City Public Schools. The focus of the study was the academic and behavioral impact of different amounts of In-School and Out-of-School Suspensions.

   The Study’s results concluded that more severe exclusionary discipline had (a) a consistent negative effect on middle and high school students' math and English language arts credit accumulation and likelihood of on-time graduation; and (b) a consistent negative effect on middle school students' future reported behavior.

   These results were similar for all student regardless of race, socioeconomic status, or disability. And, teachers and other students reported that their classroom climate was not affected by the severity of the discipline a peer received, or a student’s suspension-related absence from the class. 

   Critically, despite the consistent effects of school suspensions across race, Black students had a 6 to 8 greater risk of being reported for a behavioral incident and of receiving severe exclusionary discipline as compared to white students.

   In addition, the Study’s passing recommendation that PBIS, SEL, and Restorative Justice programs could moderate the behavioral infractions reported was rejected by virtual of the already-reviewed research and practice in the first two Blogs in this Series.

   This Blog concluded by recommending that Administrators ask themselves seven critical questions—when students of color are sent to the office for discipline—so that the legitimacy, context, and accuracy of the behavior can be evaluated. By objectively answering these questions, Administrators can choose the necessary steps to strategically address student (peer, and staff) behavior and eliminate its probability of reoccurrence—steps that include professional development and coaching with teachers who are making inappropriate discipline referrals due to (implicit) bias or cultural/racial insensitivities.

_ _ _ _ _

   With the unexpected Part III addition, I hope that this Series is useful to you. And I always look forward to your comments. . . whether on-line or via e-mail.

   If I can help you, your colleagues, your school, or your district to further understand or implement any of the multi-tiered recommendations in this Series, know that I am always available to you—virtually and on-site—to address your needs.

   As such, I am always happy to provide a free one-hour consultation conference call to help you clarify your needs and potential directions on behalf of your students.

Best,

Howie

[CLICK HERE for the Full Blog Version of this Discussion]

Saturday, August 14, 2021

The Components Needed to Eliminate Disproportionate School Discipline Referrals and Suspensions for Students of Color Do Not Require Anti-Bias Training (Part II)

Behind Every Iron Chef is an Iron-Clad Recipe

[CLICK HERE for the Full Blog Version of this Discussion]

Dear Colleagues,


I tell a student that the most important class you can take is technique. A great chef is first a great technician. 'If you are a jeweler, or a surgeon or a cook, you have to know the trade in your hand. You have to learn the process. You learn it through endless repetition until it belongs to you.

                Jacques Pepin

Introduction

   Cloaked in subdued anxiety, I am actually writing this from an airplane—my first business trip (to California and New Mexico) in eighteen months.

   Leaving behind the virtual world (for now), I am looking forward to helping four schools prepare—not just for the troubling effects of the pandemic on their students’ social, emotional, and behavioral health—but for the issues that also were present before COVID-19.

   One of these pre-pandemic issues involves helping teachers, staff, and administrators to better understand the behavior of students of color. Too often, when these students demonstrate “inappropriate” behavior, they are viewed as “discipline problems.”

   When educators understand the historical, cultural, sociological, and psycho-educational “make-up” of students of color, they more accurately contextualize and respond to their “inappropriate” behavior.

   [Please note the quotation marks above.]

   One of the challenges here is getting teachers and administrators to see their place in the decades-old national problem where students of color are disproportionately sent to the principal’s office for “discipline,” and then disproportionately suspended or placed in alternative programs by their administrators.

   This problem often includes teacher referrals and administrative placements for behaviors that are dealt with in the classroom for White students, but responded to more punitively for students of color.

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _

An Overview of Part I in this Series

   This two-part Blog Series is dedicated to helping districts and schools to successfully eliminate disproportionate discipline referrals and (punitive) actions for students of color.

   In Part I of the Series, we presented a definition of “racism,” and talked about Critical Race Theory. We did this to emphasize that (a) the disproportionate disciplinary treatment of students of color—especially Black students (as well as students with disabilities)—has existed for decades, and that (b) initiatives to eliminate disproportionality should not be linked to the recent politicized conversation involving Critical Race Theory.

   Relative to the latter area, we objectively reviewed the current information regarding Critical Race Theory and its presence in America’s classrooms. We also expressed concerns about the impact that legislative and other policy-level actions—focused on restricting or eliminating the discussion of Critical Race Theory in schools—might have on teachers and students.

[CLICK HERE to Read Part I]

   In the end, with citations, we documented:

  • The political nature of the Critical Race Theory legislation in a number of states;
  • The fact that most teachers are not teaching this theory in their classrooms;
  • Concerns that schools are going to be wasting a lot of time this year on Critical Race Theory discussion, debate, professional development, lesson plan analysis, and administrative supervision (to ensure that teachers understand and do not include Critical Race Theory in their classrooms)— because of the legislation and/or because of misinformation in many communities; and we documented 
  • The additional implications relative to teacher trust, academic freedom, and the potential that legitimate classroom instruction and discussion on race, racism, equity, and Black history will be reduced, sanitized, or eliminated because teachers are afraid either to be unjustly accused of teaching Critical Race Theory, or to trigger undue student controversy or emotions.

   Based on the information presented in Part I, we recommended that educators avoid wasting their time by looking past the Critical Race Theory politics and debate and, instead, focus directly on how to eliminate the disproportionate disciplinary referrals and actions against students of color—a long-standing result of racial bias in our schools.

   Part I then discussed the different approaches that have been implemented in the past to address school-level disciplinary disproportionality—explaining why they have not worked and, hence, why they should be avoided in the future.

   This presentation was organized by describing six Reasons or Flaws:

   Reason/Flaw #1. Educational leaders have tried to change the disproportionate numbers through policy and not practice.

   Reason/Flaw #2. State Departments of Education (and other educational leaders) have promoted whole-school programs that are unproven or have critical scientific flaws.

   Reason/Flaw #3. Districts and schools have implemented frameworks that target conceptual constructs, rather than instruction that teaches social, emotional, and behavioral skills.

   Reason/Flaw #4. Districts and schools have not recognized that classroom management and teacher training, supervision, and evaluation are keys to decreasing disproportionality; and they are depending on Teacher Training Programs to equip their teachers with effective classroom management skills.

   Reason/Flaw #5. Schools and staff have tried to motivate students to change their behavior when they have not learned, mastered, or are unable to apply the social, emotional, and behavioral skills needed to succeed.

   Reason/Flaw #6. Districts, schools, and staff do not have the knowledge, skills, and resources needed to implement the multi-tiered (prevention, strategic intervention, intensive need/crisis management) social, emotional, and/or behavioral services, supports, and interventions needed by some students.

[CLICK HERE to Read Part I]

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _

An Overview of Part II in this Series

   In this Series Part II, we respond to the six reasons/flaws above by providing effective practices and solutions to decrease or eliminate disproportionality.

   As part of this discussion, we directly address an embedded issue in many of the race-based laws passed by different states during this year’s legislative sessions.

   In a July 14, 2021 Education Week article, “Four Things Schools Won’t Be Able to Do Under ‘Critical Race Theory’ Laws,” it was noted:

In recent years, some school districts with shifting racial demographics have launched multi-pronged efforts to better serve students of color. They’ve formed diversity, inclusion and equity committees made up of students, teachers, and administrators, hired equity officers, and offered ongoing training for teachers to recognize and rid themselves of their unconscious biases, which many experts argue lead to, among other things, disproportionate suspensions and expulsions, for Black and Latino students.

 

Now, in at least nine states (e.g., Texas, Oklahoma, Iowa), those efforts, advocates and district administrators say, would effectively come to a halt.

[CLICK HERE for Article]

   We clearly believe that staff who are specifically motivated by explicit bias and overt prejudice should be held directly accountable for discriminatory behavior. This has not changed due to the recent state legislation.

   However, we also recognize that—even if it were permitted—“ongoing training for teachers to recognize and rid themselves of their unconscious biases” has largely not worked.

[See our December 5, 2020 Blog:

Training Racial Bias Out of Teachers: Who Ever Said that We Could? Will the Fact that In-Service Programs Cannot Eliminate Implicit Bias Create a Bias Toward Inaction?”

CLICK HERE to Link]

   So, at least on this level, the recent state legislation in this area should not dramatically impact school and districts’ effective efforts to decrease and eliminate disciplinary disproportionality.

   And yet, this still is not occurring in so many districts and schools because, as discussed in Part I of this Blog Series, many have focused their efforts in one or more of the six Reason or Flaw areas above... and many are not using the scientific, psychoeducational components that do not involve racial anti-bias training, and that do involve essential and proven field-tested practices.

   Thus, in this Blog, we will:

  • Describe five interdependent psychoeducational components and their specific, embedded practices (addressing Flaw #1); that are
  • Organized within a strategically-implemented, evidence-based, multi-tiered professional development and coaching-centered whole-school initiative (addressing Flaw #2); that focuses on
  • Teaching students—from preschool through high school— specific, observable, and measurable social, emotional, and behavioral self-management skills (addressing Flaws #3 and 5).
  • We then advocated the use of a data-based problem-solving process—when students demonstrate frequent, persistent, unresponsive, significant, or extreme levels of inappropriate, disruptive, unpredictable, antisocial, or dangerous behavior—to objectively identify the root causes of the behavior, and to discriminate discipline problems from social, emotional, behavioral, and/or mental health problems. . . so that
  • The assessment results can be linked to the strategic or intensive multi-tiered services, supports, strategies, or interventions that will eliminate the student problem and replace it—once again—with appropriate behavior (addressing Flaw #6).

   While this Blog will primarily focus on student outcomes, note that we provided an extensive discussion in Part I of this Series addressing the fact that some teachers, staff, and administrators are complicit in the disproportionate office referral and school suspension numbers when they (re)act due to a lack of (student and racial) knowledge and information, understanding and analysis, skill and application, motivation and self-reflection, entitlement and privilege, or prejudice and bias.

   To address these professional (or unprofessional in the case of prejudice and bias) gaps, we recommended district- and school-level training, coaching, supervision, and evaluation as keys to decreasing disproportionality (addressing Flaw #4).

[CLICK HERE for the Full Blog Version of this Discussion]

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _

Solving the Disproportionality Dilemma

   This Blog began with a quote from a Master Chef discussing the importance of (over-)learning the techniques needed to prepare a world-class meal.

   Expanding on this analogy by reflecting on the title of this Blog, good technique—which involves process, must be complemented by a good recipe—which involves substance (i.e., the ingredients) and sequence (i.e., the step-by-step implementation).

   Applying this to eliminating disproportionality, schools need to have both a proven recipe for change, and the complementary processes needed to prepare the recipe with intent and fidelity.

   A major principle grounding the disproportionality recipe is:

  • When all students (including students of color) are taught (in developmentally, culturally, and pedagogically-sound ways—from preschool through high school), and when they have mastered and can apply specific and scaffolded interpersonal, social problem-solving, conflict prevention and resolution, and emotional control, communication, and coping skills. . . and
  • When they are prompted, motivated, and held accountable for using these skills in all school settings and circumstances. . .
  • They will consistently demonstrate appropriate, prosocial interactions. . . such that
  • The need to need a disciplinary referral to the principal’s office will become moot.

   Critically, and as acknowledged earlier, some students will need multi-tiered strategic or intensive services, supports, strategies, or interventions in order to learn and demonstrate their social, emotional, and behavioral skills.

   To determine these services and supports, data-based analyses should be conducted to determine why the students are not learning or performing so that, like a Master Chef, modifications to the recipe can occur—still resulting in a world-class meal.

_ _ _ _ _

   At the center of the disproportionality recipe are five interdependent components that have an assortment of important practices within them (see the Figure below).

 

From: Knoff, H.M. (2014).  School Discipline, Classroom Management, and Student Self-Management:  A Positive Behavioral Support Implementation Guide.  Thousand Oaks, CA: Corwin Press. 

CLICK HERE for more information.

   These components are:

  • Positive Relationships and School/Classroom Climates
  • Positive Behavioral Expectations and Skill Instruction
  • Student Motivation and Accountability
  • Consistency and Fidelity
  • Special Situations and Multi-Tiered Services and Supports

   They are briefly described below.

_ _ _ _ _

Positive Relationships and School/Classroom Climate

   Effective schools work consciously, planfully, and on an on-going basis to develop, reinforce, and sustain positive and productive relationships so that their cross-school and in-classroom climates mirror these relationships. 

   Critically, however, these relationships include the following interactions:  Students to Students, Students to Staff, Staff to Staff, Students to Parents, and Staff to Parents.

   Relative to minority students, these interactions involve understanding them, their backgrounds, their personal and familial histories, their strengths and weaknesses, and their personal or unique stories or experiences.

   For minority students, this also includes understanding their racial and cultural backgrounds, but care is needed not to stereotype these backgrounds such that individual students are not seen as individuals.

   Positive relationships and school/classroom climates result when all of the adults in a school actively participate. But the students are also part of this process, as well as the different formal and informal peer groups, clubs, and organizations represented across the school.

_ _ _ _ _

Positive Behavioral Expectations and Skills Instruction

   All students from preschool through high school—including students of color—need to be explicitly taught (just like an academic skill) the explicit social, emotional, and behavioral expectations in their classrooms and across the common areas of the school. These expectations need to be communicated in a positive, prosocial—rather than a negative, deficit-oriented—way. That is, students need to be taught “what to do,” rather than “what not to do.”

   Indeed, teachers and administrators will have more behavioral success teaching and prompting students, for example, to (a) walk down the hallway (rather than “Do not run”); (b) raise your hand and wait to be called on (rather than “Do not blurt out answers”); or (c) accept a consequence (rather than “Don’t roll your eyes and give me attitude”).

   In addition, these expectations need to be behaviorally specific—that is, we need to describe exactly what specific, observable steps we want students to perform—for example:

  • Walk onto the bus quietly, using social distancing;
  • Sit in the first open seat and move all the way in;
  • Put your books on your lap or your bookbag under the seat in front of you;
  • Talk only with your neighbors using a whisper or conversational voice; and
  • Stay seated until the bus has stopped, and it is your turn to leave. 

   Indeed, it is not instructionally helpful to talk in constructs—telling students that they need to be “Respectful, Responsible, Polite, Safe, and Trustworthy.” This is because each of these constructs involve a wide range of undefined behaviors. Moreover, at the elementary school level, students really do not functionally or behaviorally understand these higher-ordered constructs. At the secondary level, meanwhile, students often interpret these constructs (and their many inherent behaviors) very differently than staff.

    Thus, and as above, we need to teach students the interpersonal, social problem-solving, conflict prevention and resolution, and emotional control, communication, and coping skills that we want them to demonstrate at each grade and developmental level.

   Moreover, we need to teach these skills the same way that successful basketball coaches teach the plays in their playbooks. That is, we need to (a) teach students the specific steps for each social skill, along with the related behaviors; (b) positively demonstrate the steps to them in meaningful and real-life scenarios; (c) give students structured opportunities to practice each skill in simulated roleplays with guidance and explicit feedback; and then (d) help students to apply (or transfer) their new skills more automatically and independently to “real-world” situations.

   Embedded in this instruction is the social problem-solving needed to select the best behavioral choices for different situations. Also included is how to maintain self-control when faced with emotional triggers and stress, peer pressure and conflict, or other home or school disruptions.

   Significantly, there are hundreds of important social, emotional, and behavioral skills that could be taught during students’ school careers. Examples of some needed social skills include: Listening, Following Directions, Asking for Help, Ignoring Distractions, Dealing with Teasing and Bullying, How to Accept a Consequence, How to Deal with Losing or Not Getting Your Own Way, How to Handle Peer Pressure and Rejection, How to be a Good Leaders and a Good Team Member, How to Set Goals and Develop Good Action Plans.

   All of the core social skill instruction is led by general education teachers. This is because (a) they know the students better than anyone else; (b) they have more opportunities to prompt, practice, reinforce, and correct the skills in real-life classroom situations; (c) they need to use these skills to facilitate classroom management and positive school climates; and (d) they need to integrate these skills into students’ academic engagement and success.

   For students who need modified, small group, or individual (cognitive behavior therapy-based) instruction (e.g., at the Tier 2 or Tier 3 levels), this is done by school or school-based mental health staff—counselors, psychologists, or social workers.

   Relative to disproportionality, when students of color learn these skills, routines, and interactions—in developmentally, culturally, and pedagogically-sound ways, they will more consistently demonstrate appropriate, prosocial interactions, and there will be less (no) need for discipline.

_ _ _ _ _

Student Motivation and Accountability

   For the skill instruction described above to “work,” minority students need to be motivated to and held accountable for demonstrating positive and effective social, emotional, and behavioral skills. 

   Scientifically, motivation is based on two component parts:  Incentives and Consequences.

   But to work, these incentives and consequences must be meaningful and powerful to the students (not just to the adults in a school).

   That is, too often schools create “motivational programs” for students that involve incentives and consequences that the students couldn’t care less about. Thus, the programs look good “on paper,” but they hold no weight in functional, behavioral reality—at least from the students’ perspectives.

   But this is not about motivational programs, it is about effective practices.

   And in order to decrease or eliminate disproportionality, while increasing effective classroom management and student self-management practices, teachers need a classroom discipline “road map.” 

   For us, we call this road map the Behavioral Matrix, and we work constantly with schools nationwide to help them develop their own grade-level Matrices that are sensitive to and reflective of their staff and students. 

   The Behavioral Matrix is the “anchor” to a school’s behavioral accountability and progressive school discipline system. At the Elementary School level, there typically is a Behavioral Matrix at each grade level because of the developmental differences across prekindergarten through (typically) Grade 5 students.

   At the Secondary level, there typically is a school-wide (for example, Grade 6 to 8, and Grade 9 to 12) Matrix for each middle and high school, respectively. Significantly, at times these schools create separate Grade 6 and Grade 9 matrices, because these students are often entering their middle or high schools, respectively, for the first time, and the schools want to individualize the behavioral expectations and accountability attention specifically to them.

   Every Behavioral Matrix has quadrants that address appropriate versus inappropriate behavior, respectively (see the Figure below). The first two quadrants of the Matrix specify (a) the behavioral expectations in the classroom connected (b) with positive responses, motivating incentives, and periodic rewards.

   The third and fourth quadrants, respectively, identify four progressive “Intensity Levels” of inappropriate behavior, connected with research-based responses and strategies that facilitate a change of this inappropriate behavior.

   When teachers and administrators use these quadrants with fidelity, they help to eliminate both disproportionate referrals of students of color to the principal’s office, and repeated school suspensions of the same students—especially, when multi-tiered services and supports are in order.

   When students are taught, as recommended, about the different levels of inappropriate behavior and how each level will be addressed, many (a) are motivated to avoid these responses by demonstrating appropriate behavior, or (b) are not surprised by the teacher consequences or administrative responses that occur when they choose to demonstrate inappropriate behavior.

   In addition, many students internalize the Matrix, and it becomes an internal, intrinsic self-management guide that facilitates self-control, behavioral decision making, self-reinforcement, and self-accountability.

   When teachers are involved in creating and/or are taught to use the Matrix as part of their classroom management, they realize that (a) Intensity I or II inappropriate student behaviors should not be sent to the principal’s office, and (b) there will be administrative questions, training, coaching, or even personnel-related actions if they continue to send Intensity I or II behavior to the office.

   The four Intensity Levels are briefly defined as follows:

Intensity I (Annoying) Behavior: Behaviors in the classroom that are annoying or that mildly interrupt classroom instruction or student attention and engagement. Teachers handle these behaviors with a minimum of interaction by using a corrective response (e.g., a non-verbal prompt or cue, physical proximity, a social skills prompt, reinforcing nearby students’ appropriate behavior).

_ _ _ _ _

 

Intensity II (Disruptive or Interfering) Behavior: Behavior problems in the classroom that occur more frequently, for longer periods of time, or to the degree that they disrupt classroom instruction and/or interfere with student attention and engagement. Teachers handle these behaviors with a corrective response, and a classroom-based consequence (e.g., loss of student points or privileges, a classroom time-out, a note or call home, completion by the student of a behavior change plan).

 

After the consequence is over, and guided by the teacher, the student must positively practice the appropriate behavior that the student should have done and did not do (hence, requiring the consequence) at least three times as soon as possible.

_ _ _ _ _

 

Intensity III (Persistently Disruptive or Antisocial) Behavior: Behavior problems in the classroom that significantly (as in a single incident) or persistently (as in multiple incidents that increase in severity over time) disrupt classroom instruction or engagement, or that involve antisocial acts toward adults or peers.

 

These inappropriate behaviors require some type of out-of-classroom response (e.g., a time-out in another teacher’s classroom, removal to a school “student accountability room,” an office discipline referral), and a consequence that involves the classroom teacher (even if, for example, an administrator is involved)—so that the student remains accountable to the teacher and the classroom where the behavior occurred.

 

The consequence could be followed by a restitutional pay-back (e.g., an apology, cleaning up/repairing damaged property or a messed-up classroom, community service), and should be followed by the positive practice of the appropriate behavior described in Intensity II above.

 

If it is believed or apparent that the inappropriate behavior is not a discipline problem but a social, emotional, behavioral, or psychoeducational problem, the student should be referred to the school’s Multi-Tiered Services (Child Study, Student Services) Team for assessments to determine the root cause(s) of the problem, and a resulting behavioral intervention plan that specifies the services, supports, strategies, or interventions that are both linked to the assessment results and needed to ameliorate the problem.

_ _ _ _ _

 

Intensity IV (Severe or Dangerous) Behavior: These involve extremely antisocial, damaging, and/or dangerous behaviors—on a physical, social, or emotional level—that are typically cited and described in a District’s Student Code of Conduct handbook. These inappropriate behaviors require an immediate administrative referral and response (e.g., a parent conference, suspension, or expulsion), followed (at times) by additional consequences, restitutional requirements, and (once again) positive practice sessions.

 

While an administrator may, by Code, need to suspend a student, if she or he believes that the offense is not a discipline problem but a social, emotional, or behavioral problem, the student—as in the Intensity III description above—should be referred into the school’s Multi-Tiered Services and Supports process.

_ _ _ _ _ 

   As noted, relative to disproportionality, when teachers consistently use the Intensity I, II, and III areas of the Matrix for all students, disproportionality is decreased or eliminated. This often occurs because the Matrix specifically discriminates between annoying (Intensity I) and disruptive behavior in the classroom (Intensity II)—explicitly identifying the different responses that facilitate students’ change of behavior.

   When Administrators additionally hold teachers accountable for using the Matrix appropriately and consistently with all students, once again, disproportionality is effectively addressed. 

   When implementing the Behavioral Matrix process, schools need to use it with specific peer groups. This is because some peer groups have more social power, reinforcement, or influence over some individual students— reinforcing their inappropriate behavior and undermining school and classroom management. Here, the incentives and consequences built into the Matrix may need to be modified—both for the individual students and the peer groups involved.

_ _ _ _ _

   Taken altogether, the Behavioral Matrix increases the probability that all students—including students of color—demonstrate the appropriate interpersonal, social problem-solving, conflict prevention and resolution, and emotional control, communication, and coping skills described and taught in the second component above.

   When all students—including students of color—decide to demonstrate inappropriate behavior, the Behavioral Matrix provides a predictable, but flexible and strategic, roadmap of proven practices that are focused on holding students accountable for their behavior, while motivating them to make a better choice the next time.

   For teachers, the Behavioral Matrix also provides them a roadmap, but it especially addresses what needs to occur when students demonstrate Intensity I of II inappropriate behavior.

   For administrators, the Behavioral Matrix provides guidance as to how to address serious student inappropriate behavior, and what to do when teachers send inappropriate “discipline” referrals to the office.

   Over time, the Behavioral Matrix process helps schools and staff to discriminate and effectively address disciplinary problems and—from a multi-tiered perspective—social, emotional, and behavioral problems.

   We have published an extensive number of resources that help schools to effectively develop and successfully implement the Behavioral Matrix process. For example, you may be interested in our Monograph:

Developing School Discipline Codes that Work: Increasing Student Responsibility while Decreasing Disproportionate Discipline Referrals

For more information:

[CLICK HERE for Behavioral Matrix RESOURCES]

_ _ _ _ _

Consistency and Fidelity

   Consistency is a process. It would be great if we could “download” it into all students and staff. . . or put it in their annual flu shots. . . but that’s not going to happen.

   Consistency needs to be “grown” experientially over time and, even then, it needs to be sustained in an ongoing way. It is grown through effective strategic planning with detailed implementation plans, good communication and collaboration, sound implementation and evaluation, and consensus-building coupled with constructive feedback and change.

   It’s not easy. . . but it is necessary for school success. And it is especially important when working with students of color—who

[CLICK HERE for the Full Blog Version of How to Help Staff to be More Consistent]

_ _ _ _ _

Special Situations and Multi-Tiered Services and Supports

   The last of the evidence-based, interdependent components that districts and schools need at the center of their disproportionality recipe involve three “special situations”—the last of which requires a sound multi-tiered system of supports.

   The first Special Situation focuses on the multiple settings in a school. Here, schools need to plan for student behavior and interactions not just in the classroom, but also in the common areas of the school—for example, the hallways, bathrooms, buses, cafeteria, and the playgrounds or common gathering areas.

   The second Special Situation focuses on the impact of peer groups as psychosocial influencers, and their relationship to teasing, taunting, bullying, harassment, hazing, and physical aggression (fighting).

   The third Special Situation focuses on the fact that some student behavior occurs due to significant or intense idiosyncratic situations or circumstances that are not disciplinary in nature, but are part of their social, emotional, behavioral, or mental health make-up. As discussed earlier, these students often need multi-tiered strategic (Tier 2) or intensive (Tier 3) services, supports, strategies, or interventions that are based on functional or diagnostic assessments that determine the root causes of the students’ challenging behavior.

   Examples of some of the triggers or causes of these social, emotional, and/or behavioral (not disciplinary) challenges include:

  • Physical, Biological, Physiological, Genetic, Neurological issues
  • Mental health issues
  • Disabilities
  • Significant stresses or traumas
  • Dysfunctional home and family situations
  • Poverty or Economic stresses
  • Drugs, Alcohol, Vaping
  • Significant Life Changes or Events

   We know the students of color are at-risk in a number of the areas above. Indeed, this fact has been reinforced especially during the COVID-19 pandemic.

[CLICK HERE for the Full Blog Version of these Three Special Situations and their Relationship to Disproportionality]

   We have discussed the evidence-based, effective characteristics of a school-level multi-tiered system of support process in a number of past Blogs.

   An excellent resource—that we used to guide districts’ and schools’ MTSS processes through our work at the Arkansas Department of Education for 13 years—is:

A Multi-Tiered Service and Support Implementation Guidebook for Schools: Closing the Achievement Gap

[CLICK HERE to Review this Resource]

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _

Summary

   This two-part Blog Series was dedicated to helping districts and schools to successfully eliminate disproportionate discipline referrals and (punitive) actions for students of color.

   In Part I of the Series, we presented a definition of “racism,” and talked about Critical Race Theory. We did this to emphasize that (a) the disproportionate disciplinary treatment of students of color—especially Black students (as well as students with disabilities)—has existed for decades, and that (b) initiatives to eliminate disproportionality should not be linked to the recent politicized conversation involving Critical Race Theory.

   Relative to the latter area, we objectively reviewed the current information regarding Critical Race Theory and its presence in America’s classrooms. We expressed concerns about the impact that legislative and other policy-level actions—focused on restricting or eliminating the discussion of Critical Race Theory in schools—might have on teachers and students. And, we recommended that educators avoid wasting their time by looking past the Critical Race Theory politics and debate and, instead, focus directly on how to eliminate the disproportionate disciplinary referrals and actions against students of color—a long-standing result of racial bias in our schools.

   Part I then discussed six different approaches that have been implemented in the past to address school-level disciplinary disproportionality—explaining why they have not worked and, hence, why they should be avoided in the future.

   In this Part II, we addressed the six reasons/flaws from Part I by providing effective practices and solutions to decrease or eliminate disproportionality.

   As part of this discussion, we directly addressed and dismissed an embedded issue in many of the race-based laws passed by different states during this year’s legislative sessions: the use of (especially, one-session in-service) anti-bias or diversity training with school staff members. Relative to disproportionality, however, we still clearly stated that staff who are specifically motivated by explicit bias and overt prejudice should be held directly accountable for discriminatory behavior, and that the recent state laws have not changed this professional (for administrators) responsibility.

   The remainder of this Blog:

  • Described five interdependent psychoeducational components and their specific, embedded practices (addressing Blog Part I’s Flaw #1); that are 
  • Organized within a strategically-implemented, evidence-based, multi-tiered professional development and coaching-centered whole-school initiative (addressing Flaw #2); that focuses on
  • Teaching students—from preschool through high school— specific, observable, and measurable social, emotional, and behavioral self-management skills (addressing Flaws #3 and 5).
  • We then advocated the use of a data-based problem-solving process—when students demonstrate frequent, persistent, unresponsive, significant, or extreme levels of inappropriate, disruptive, unpredictable, antisocial, or dangerous behavior—to objectively identify the root causes of the behavior, and to discriminate discipline problems from social, emotional, behavioral, and/or mental health problems. . . so that
  • The assessment results can be linked to the strategic or intensive multi-tiered services, supports, strategies, or interventions that will eliminate the student problem and replace it—once again—with appropriate behavior (addressing Flaw #6).

   Using the metaphor of a Master Chef who needs an excellent recipe and well-honed technical skills to prepare a world-class meal, the five interdependent psychoeducational components needed and discussed to eliminate disproportionality were:

  • Positive Relationships and School/Classroom Climates
  • Positive Behavioral Expectations and Skill Instruction
  • Student Motivation and Accountability
  • Consistency and Fidelity
  • Special Situations and Multi-Tiered Services and Supports

   The inherent principle grounding the evidence-based approach to disproportionality is:

  • When all students (including students of color) are taught (in developmentally, culturally, and pedagogically-sound ways—from preschool through high school), and when they have mastered and can apply specific and scaffolded interpersonal, social problem-solving, conflict prevention and resolution, and emotional control, communication, and coping skills. . . and
  • When they are prompted, motivated, and held accountable for using these skills in all school settings and circumstances. . .
  • They will consistently demonstrate appropriate, prosocial interactions. . . such that
  • The need to need a disciplinary referral to the principal’s office will become moot.

   In addition, as teachers, support staff, and administrators design, conduct, and apply this process, they will develop more intimate relationships with students of color that will help them to understand the backgrounds and social contexts of these students. Thus, when annoying or disruptive inappropriate behavior occurs with these same students of color, they can more easily to move into a self-management problem-solving mode—reacting more to the person than the person’s race.

_ _ _ _ _

   As always, I hope that this Series was useful to you, and always look forward to your comments. . . whether on-line or via e-mail.

   If I can help you in any of the components or multi-tiered areas discussed above, know that I am constantly working with districts and schools— virtually and on-site—in this important area. I am always happy to provide a free one-hour consultation conference call to help you clarify your needs and directions on behalf of your students.

   As your school year enters the new school year, please accept my best wishes for a safe and productive one. . . one complete with active and positive student engagement, learning, and success.

Best,

Howie

[CLICK HERE for the Full Blog Version of this Discussion]